Gale W. McGee

Gale W. McGee
United States Senator from Wyoming
In office January 3, 1959 – January 3, 1977
Preceded by	Frank A. Barrett
Succeeded by	Malcolm Wallop
9th United States Ambassador to the Organization of American States
In office March 30, 1977 – July 1, 1981
President	Jimmy Carter Ronald Reagan
Preceded by	William S. Mailliard
Succeeded by	J. William Middendorf
Personal details
Born	Gale William McGee (1915-03-17)March 17, 1915 Lincoln, Nebraska, U.S.
Died	April 9, 1992(1992-04-09) (aged 77) Washington, D.C., U.S.
Resting place	Oak Hill Cemetery Washington, D.C., U.S.
Political party	Democratic
Spouse	Loraine Baker McGee ​ (m. 1939)​
Children	4
Education	State Teachers College (BA) University of Colorado (MA) University of Chicago (PhD)

Gale William McGee (March 17, 1915 – April 9, 1992) was a United States senator of the Democratic Party, and United States ambassador to the Organization of American States (OAS). He represented Wyoming in the United States Senate from 1959 until 1977. To date, he remains the last Democrat to have represented Wyoming in the U.S. Senate.

Early life

McGee was born in Lincoln, Nebraska, on March 17, 1915. He attended public schools, and had planned to study law in college, but was forced by the Great Depression to attend the State Teachers College in Wayne, Nebraska, instead. He graduated from the Teachers College in 1936, and worked as a high school teacher while studying for a master's degree in history at the University of Colorado. He continued as a college instructor at Nebraska Wesleyan University, Iowa State College, and Notre Dame. In 1946, McGee received his Ph.D. in history from the University of Chicago.

University of Wyoming

Shortly after he received his Ph.D., McGee accepted a position as a professor of American history at the University of Wyoming. Soon after, he founded and served as chair of the university's Institute of International Affairs, which brought national dignitaries every summer through a Carnegie Foundation grant. Twenty-one teachers from Wyoming high schools were selected each summer to participate. For the next 12 years, the Institute brought international foreign policy thinkers such as Eleanor Roosevelt, Hans Morgenthau, and Henry Kissinger.

Active in Democratic Party politics, McGee was asked to run for the United States Congress in 1950, but declined, saying he wanted to get more in touch with Wyoming and its people.

In 1952, McGee's journey toward internationalism was profoundly shaped when he took a one-year leave of absence from the University of Wyoming to serve as a Carnegie Research Fellow in New York with the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR). This period was particularly significant due to Stalin's death, prompting McGee to reassess strategies regarding Soviet intentions. During his fellowship, he interacted with influential figures such as Allen Dulles, John Foster Dulles, Dean Rusk, and John J. McCloy, which deepened his understanding of foreign policy. Additionally, his connections with prominent leaders like Richard Nixon, Adlai Stevenson II, Cyrus Vance and Henry Kissinger further shaped his views on international relations and domestic politics.

In 1955, McGee took a leave of absence to work as a legislative assistant for Senator Joseph C. O'Mahoney in Washington, DC. This opportunity allowed him to conduct research on legislative issues and gauge his interest in a political career. O'Mahoney, who had connections to Senators Lyndon Johnson and John F. Kennedy, particularly in Wyoming's oil industry, recognized McGee's potential and brought him onto his staff. McGee also made connections with Sens. William Fulbright, Russell Long, and John Stennis. The relationship with Stennis helped McGee navigate his relationship with University President George Duke Humphrey, who knew Stennis when Humphrey lead the Mississippi State University.

In 1956, because of the connections he made during his CFR fellowship, McGee led a group of teachers on a trip to the Soviet Union; it was the first trip of its kind. It was a time when travel to the Soviet Union was not common, especially for non-diplomats. Notably, they gained access to a Volgograd Tractor Plant, an area off-limits to American officials, including Senator Henry "Scoop" Jackson who happened to be visiting the USSR at the same time. Upon his return, McGee and his wife shared their experiences through lectures and articles, generating significant interest among the Wyoming public. Despite initial concerns that the trip might negatively impact his political career, McGee found that the public's interest in the Soviet Union, heightened by the launch of Sputnik, made his experience a valuable asset.

United States Senate (1959-1977)

1958 election

In 1958 McGee left the university to make his bid for the U.S. Senate, challenging incumbent Frank A. Barrett. He ran on a program of youth and new ideas. The race between McGee and Barrett attracted the attention of national party leaders on both sides. Senate Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson of Texas, Senator John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts, Senator Wayne Morse of Oregon, Senator-elect Edmund Muskie of Maine, Congressman Joseph M. Montoya of New Mexico, and former President Harry S. Truman came to the state to support McGee, whose campaign slogan was "McGee for Me!". Lyndon Johnson pledged that, if Wyoming sent McGee to Washington, he would appoint him to the prestigious Appropriations Committee. Eleanor Roosevelt even conducted a national fund-raising drive for him. Barrett received assistance from national leaders as well, including Vice President Richard Nixon. McGee ultimately defeated Barrett by a margin of 1,913 votes out of a total of 116,230 votes cast in the election.

He won the majority of the votes in seven of the 23 counties. These were the southern "Union Pacific" counties (Albany, Carbon, Laramie, Sweetwater, Uinta) Platte, just north of Cheyenne, and Sheridan in the north. McGee won the endorsement of the Wyoming AFL-CIO Committee on Political Education (COPE) and the labor vote played an important part in the election.

He became a member of the Democratic class of 1958, which was elected in the middle of President Eisenhower's second term.

Vice President Richard Nixon administers the oath of office to Senator Gale McGee, 1959.

First Senate term (1959-1965)

First term committee assignments

Source:

Appropriations Committee - Senate Majority Leader Johnson kept his promise and appointed McGee to the prestigious committee. He and his fellow Senate freshmen, Thomas J. Dodd and Robert C. Byrd, were the first freshmen ever to receive such an appointment.
Subcommittees:

• Agriculture - McGee served on the subcommittee during his entire tenure, becoming Chairman in the 92nd Congress
• Commerce, Justice, Science - 86th and 87th Congress
• District of Columbia - 86th and 87th Congress
• Interior - McGee served on this subcommittee during his entire tenure.
• Military Construction - 88th Congress only
• Public Works - Joined during the 88th Congress and would remain a member of this subcommittee for the rest of his tenure
• Treasury and Post Office - 86th & 87th Congress and rejoined in the 91st Congress as an ex-officio member for Postal Service items since he was Chairman of the Post Office and Civil Service Committee

Interstate and Foreign Commerce Committee
Subcommittees:

• Surface Transportation
• Communications
• Freedom of Communications - 87th Congress
• Special Study of Federal Power Commission Procedures (chairman)

Post Office and Civil Service - Appointed in the 88th Congress, McGee would serve on the committee for the remainder of his Senate tenure, becoming chairman in the 91st Congress
Subcommittees:

• Postal Affairs
• Health Benefits
• Retirement (chairman)

Special/select committees

• Special Committee on Unemployment Problems (1959–1960)
• Senate Select Committee on Water Resources (1959–1961)

Domestic Issues

Maiden speech

On February 19, 1959, just six weeks after taking office, McGee addressed the Senate. Introduced by Senator John F. Kennedy, he acknowledged the extraordinary responsibilities of new members due to their important committee assignments. He expressed that, given the pressing issues facing the nation, particularly regarding the Soviet Union and fiscal challenges, it was crucial for them to voice their perspectives. McGee advocated for a "war budget" in light of Khrushchev’s threats and emphasized the U.S. should mobilize capitalism to address social issues and prove its superiority over Communism.

His speech was well received, marking McGee as a premier orator. Colleagues, including Edmund Muskie and John Kennedy, praised his ability to speak without a manuscript, a skill he would frequently demonstrate throughout his career. McGee’s oratory became legendary, with requests for copies of his speeches flooding his office, often resulting in replies noting his preference for speaking without notes. His talent earned him recognition, including a feature in Esquire Magazine, which referred to him as the Senate's most brilliant speaker, drawing parallels between McGee’s dramatic style and that of historical figures like Henry Clay.

Nomination of Lewis Strauss to be Commerce Secretary (1959)

In 1958, President Dwight D. Eisenhower nominated Lewis Strauss to serve as Secretary of Commerce. Previously, Strauss had served in numerous government positions in the Truman and Eisenhower administrations. At the time, the 13 previous nominees for this Cabinet position won Senate confirmation in an average of eight days.

During the Senate Interstate and Foreign Commerce Committee hearings on the nomination, McGee raised concerns about the transparency of Admiral Strauss's testimony and his willingness to be candid with the committee. He also questioned Strauss's role in the Dixon–Yates contract, his relationship with banker Adolphe Wenzell and his calls to the United States Atomic Energy Commission about Argonne National Laboratory physicist David R. Inglis. McGee raised similar concerns about Secretary Strauss's involvement in a case involving Philadelphia Electric Co. and General Dynamics, as well as the accuracy of a statement attributed to him in the committee hearing report. After 16 days of hearings the committee recommended Strauss' confirmation to the full Senate by a vote of 9-8 – McGee was one of the eight opposed to the nomination.

In the 2023 film Oppenheimer McGee was portrayed by Harry Groener during the committee hearing scenes.

When the nomination was brought to the Senate floor for debate, McGee, over several days, urged his colleagues to reject Strauss's nomination. He argued that Strauss was not trustworthy and that his confirmation would set a dangerous precedent. He accused Strauss of attempting to deceive the committee during the hearings and cited several examples of Strauss's misleading testimony. McGee argued that Strauss's pattern of deception made him unfit to hold such a high-ranking position in the government. McGee also raised concerns about Strauss's views on executive privilege and the separation of powers. He believed that Strauss's views were dangerous and that his confirmation would undermine the Senate's ability to check the executive branch.

On June 19, 1959, Senators O'Mahoney (D-Wyo), Anderson (D-N.M.), Morse (D-Ore), and McGee celebrated at the Ohio Clock outside the Senate Chamber after leading the effort to defeat Lewis Strauss's nomination for U.S. Secretary of Commerce.

On June 19, 1959, just after midnight, the Strauss nomination failed by a vote 46–49. At the time, It marked only the eighth time in U.S. history that a Cabinet appointee had failed to be confirmed.

Wyoming's and McGee's role in the 1960 presidential campaign

Despite his initial preference for Lyndon Johnson, McGee developed a close friendship with John F. Kennedy during their time together in the Senate. They shared similar political views, a mutual admiration for Senator George Norris, and a cautious approach to civil rights. Kennedy appreciated McGee's support and expected his help in securing the 1960 Democratic presidential nomination.

Despite their contrasting personalities and political styles, Johnson and McGee shared a deep mutual respect and understanding rooted in their common experiences representing rural constituents and their shared commitment to public service. Johnson's promise to put McGee on the powerful Appropriations Committee was not just a political maneuver but a genuine expression of his appreciation for McGee's loyalty and ability.

During the summer of 1959, Kennedy's campaign team actively sought support from Wyoming Democrats, including McGee. However, they encountered mixed signals from McGee, with some reports indicating his support for Kennedy and others suggesting his leanings towards Johnson. Governor J.J. Hickey's support was also uncertain due to concerns about the Catholic issue. Despite these challenges, the Kennedy campaign made significant progress in Wyoming, with Teno Roncalio, the state Democratic Party chairman, expressing confidence in securing the state's full 15 votes for Kennedy.

Johnson's campaign team faced resistance in securing Wyoming's endorsement. McGee's insistence on delegate independence thwarted Johnson's efforts to impose the unit rule and secure all of Wyoming's 15 votes. As a result, Johnson's strategy shifted to preventing the unit rule and securing at least four of Wyoming's delegates. However, McGee's neutrality and Governor Hickey's decision to second Johnson's nomination caused friction between the Texan and the Wyoming senator.

McGee played a pivotal role in securing the Democratic presidential nomination for Kennedy. With Kennedy needing four more votes to clinch the nomination on the first ballot, McGee, the chairman of the Wyoming delegation, persuaded his colleagues to cast all 15 of Wyoming's votes for Kennedy, ensuring his victory. This decision cemented Wyoming's place in history and marked the end of a long day for the delegates.

Wyoming politicians like McGee and Hickey understood the importance of unpredictability in the political process. Keeping their support uncertain ensured attention and visits from major presidential candidates like Kennedy, Johnson, and Symington. However, once Kennedy won the nomination, he initially planned to skip campaigning in Wyoming due to its low electoral vote. It took persuasion from Tracy McCraken and McGee to convince Kennedy to make one last stop in the state. This visit allowed Kennedy to learn about Wyoming's economy, needs, and people, establishing relationships with key state leaders that could prove valuable in the future.

On September 23, 1960, Kennedy visited Cheyenne, Wyoming, to thank the state for its support in securing the Democratic presidential nomination. He acknowledged Wyoming's small size but emphasized its crucial role in the convention. Kennedy also demonstrated his knowledge of key Wyoming issues, such as natural resource development, and appealed to the state's voters to help him win the presidency in November.

It was closer than that on November 8. John F. Kennedy was elected president but without Wyoming's three electoral votes. They went to Richard Nixon who won the state 55 percent-45 percent.

Relationship with John F. Kennedy

Senator Kennedy endorsed McGee in his 1958 campaign and even flew to Wyoming to give him $500, the largest campaign contribution McGee received from any individual that year.

At the 1960 Democratic National Convention, McGee was the chairman of the Wyoming delegation, and he was able to secure all 15 of Wyoming's votes for John F. Kennedy. This put Kennedy over the top and gave him the Democratic Party nomination for President of the United States. Kennedy initially had no plans to return to Wyoming during the general election campaign, but he was persuaded by Tracy McCraken and Senator McGee to make one last stop in the state on September 23, 1960. He spoke to a large crowd in Cheyenne and acknowledged Wyoming's role in securing his nomination.

Rise of the John Birch Society

As Bircher influence grew in Wyoming in the 1960s, McGee emerged as a prominent national figure challenging the John Birch Society. The media, impressed by his speeches, began scrutinizing Founder Robert Welch and his tactics. McGee's appearance on a combative talk show, "Open End," further fueled the debate. He criticized the JBS founder on the Senate floor and warned about their infiltration into communities.

Bircher followers disrupted events, and the society advertised aggressively in Wyoming, dominating local radio. McGee actively engaged in debates with Birchers, intentionally putting himself in their crosshairs. Despite facing threats and violence, he continued his fight against right-wing extremism.

McGee cautioned President Kennedy not to deal with the extremists prematurely, believing it could be a winning issue for 1964. He warned about the appeal of the extreme right-wing ideology to the population in the West.

Food Marketing Study (1963)

McGee voiced concerns about falling cattle prices and record-high food prices driven by national grocers, believing they were monopolizing the market at the expense of western communities. In 1963, he proposed legislation authorizing the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) to investigate large chain stores for antitrust violation. the Senate Commerce Committee held hearings where witnesses described intimidating tactics by the chains. President Johnson supported the idea but preferred a bipartisan commission to study the food industry. The final report in June 1966 didn't directly address antitrust violations but highlighted concerns about industry concentration and recommended increased scrutiny of mergers and acquisitions. It also suggested empowering farmers and ranchers through Agricultural Marketing Boards.

Civil Rights

Shortly after McGee was sworn into the Senate in 1959, Northern Liberal Democrats sought to change Rule 22 of the Senate, which governs the filibuster. The Southern bloc of Senators opposed to Civil Rights used the filibuster to block progress and Democrats wanted to lower the voting threshold needed to end debate. Senate Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson, recognizing the deep divisions on the issue, proposed a compromise. This compromise maintained the two-thirds majority requirement for cloture but introduced some modifications intended to streamline the process. McGee ultimately voted in favor of Johnson's compromise. He defended his stance, arguing that the compromise was necessary to protect the interests of smaller states, which he believed could be disproportionately affected by a simple majority rule. While his initial stance on Rule 22 disappointed many, his subsequent actions and positions would demonstrate a growing commitment to civil rights and social justice. The advent of television brought the brutality of segregation into the living rooms of Americans, and McGee was deeply affected by the images of violence and injustice. His service on the Senate Commerce Committee provided him with a unique vantage point to understand the pervasive nature of discrimination. Through committee hearings, he heard testimonies from individuals who had experienced the devastating effects of segregation and prejudice. McGee became an active participant in the legislative process of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Despite facing backlash from constituents, McGee voted in favor of cloture, playing a crucial role in breaking the deadlock and enabling the bill's passage. In 1965, McGee was particularly moved by the brutal attack on Wyoming-born Reverend James Reeb, a white minister participating in the Selma to Montgomery marches actions in Selma, Alabama. After Reeb’s death, McGee honored him on the Senate floor, highlighting his bravery and calling for national accountability. McGee introduced early hate-crimes legislation and became a strong advocate for the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which he helped pass.

Gun Control

McGee consistently opposed gun control measures that he believed unfairly burdened responsible gun owners without effectively addressing crime. He advocated for less restrictive federal regulations and emphasized state and local solutions. McGee's stance was particularly evident in his efforts to exempt .22 caliber rimfire ammunition from record-keeping requirements, arguing that such regulations were unnecessary and burdensome for sportsmen and small businesses. He supported amendments to the Gun Control Act of 1968 that aimed to streamline regulations and protect the interests of law-abiding gun owners. Additionally, McGee opposed granting the Consumer Product Safety Commission authority to regulate ammunition and firearms, asserting that such power should remain with Congress.

Watergate Scandal

McGee's response to the Watergate scandal was initially characterized by a cautious and measured approach. He refrained from making hasty judgments and emphasized the importance of preserving the integrity of the Office of the President. He avoided partisan attacks and urged others to do the same. However, as the scandal unfolded and evidence mounted against President Nixon, McGee's stance gradually shifted. The release of the Watergate tapes and transcripts played a crucial role in this evolution. McGee was deeply troubled by the content of the tapes, which revealed Nixon's involvement in the cover-up. He expressed his disappointment and called for Nixon to address the judgment of history. While initially hesitant to call for Nixon's resignation, McGee eventually concluded that it was inevitable. He acknowledged the President's confession and recognized the gravity of the situation. Nixon would resign on August 8, 1974.

1963 railroad strike

In summer 1963, a potential railroad strike threatened Wyoming and the U.S. economy, with 4,000 Wyoming rail workers at risk of unemployment. Fearing severe national repercussions, Senate Commerce Committee Chairman Warren Magnuson and President Kennedy sought solutions. Kennedy’s proposals, including mediation by Supreme Court Justice Arthur Goldberg and submission to the Interstate Commerce Commission, were rejected by the railroad unions, who opposed potential compulsory arbitration. As the strike deadline approached, McGee, positioned on the Commerce Committee, brokered a compromise. McGee’s amendment limited arbitration to core issues while preserving collective bargaining, avoiding a strike and setting no precedent for compulsory arbitration. The Senate adopted McGee’s solution 75–17, with columnist Holmes Alexander later hailing McGee as a “rail hero.”

"Champion" of Congressional recess

In 1965, Senator McGee began calling for a mandated August recess for Congress. It was not until 1969 that his idea gained enough support amongst his colleagues that they gave it a test run - the Senate recessed from August 13 to September 3. Finally, on August 6, 1971, as mandated by the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1970, the Senate began its first official August recess.

Clear cutting of timber

During the 92nd Congress, McGee pushed vigorously for the implementation of his bill which would impose a two-year moratorium on clearcutting of timber on public lands until a study of the practice could be conducted by an independent commission. Clearcutting is a timber harvest method whereby all trees and the undergrowth in a given area are completely destroyed. Al- though McGee did not obtain passage of his bill, it was on the basis of his legislation that the Senate Interior Subcommittee on Public Lands demanded that the U.S. Forest Service stop permitting the timber industry to clear-cut at will in the National Forests. McGee has termed the recent action by the Senate Interior Subcommittee on Public Lands as "but one more step toward the establishment of a national policy setting down guidelines restricting the use of clearcutting as an acceptable timber harvest practice when such use would be detrimental to the environment, recreation, wildlife, and other concerns."

Protection of bald and golden eagles

In his third Senate term, McGee gave up the gavel of the Foreign Operations Appropriations Subcommittee to become Chairman of Agriculture, Environmental and Consumer Protection Appropriations Subcommittee. He would remain chairman of that subcommittee until he left the Senate. At an August 1971 hearing held by McGee's subcommittee, a Wyoming helicopter pilot testified that sheep ranchers paid him to fly near eagles which they killed with shotguns. About 500 bald eagles were destroyed in this manner, the pilot said. The Wyoming Woolgrowers Association had claimed that 8,000 lambs were lost to eagles annually, and the group's president declared he had seen eagles kill grown sheep and antelope. Conservationists disputed the figures and said that eagles seldom touched lambs unless they were already dead. A University of Montana study of prey items collected from 40 golden eagle nests over a three-year period found evidence of only one dead lamb and one dead sheep, with no proof they had been killed by eagles. In October 1972, Congress approved legislation strengthening the penalties imposed for violations of Bald Eagle Protection Act of 1940.

Voter registration by mail

In 1972, McGee introduced S. 352, which would allow eligible voters to register by mail in federal elections. The bill would establish a new Voter Registration Administration as part of the U.S. Census Bureau to administer the registration program. Under the procedure, postcard forms would be mailed to all postal addresses and residences, and the cards would have to be returned to local registration agents no later than 30 days before a federal election. Processing of the forms would be paid for by the Voter Registration Administration. McGee believed and argued that existing methods discouraged registration citing the fact that 62 million people did not vote in 1972 election, nearly half of all Americans eligible to vote.

Opponents believed that the proposal would destroy the two-party system, lead to increased fraud, and cost too much to implement. The Nixon administration formally opposed the bill citing the potential for fraud and cost but McGee's committee reported the bill with only Hiram Fong, the committee's ranking Republican member, opposing. During floor debate In spring 1973, the bill was filibustered for almost a month. The 13th successful cloture vote since in the Senate came after two earlier attempts to terminate a four-week filibuster on the voter registration bill (S 352) failed. Had the May 9 vote also fallen short, McGee had warned opponents of S. 352 during floor debate that there would have been another cloture vote, and "if necessary there'll be another and another and another."

The nearly 100 per cent attendance for the May 9 vote, plus three switches in favor of cloture on the third try, gave the cloture motion the necessary two-thirds vote. John C. Stennis (D Miss.) was the only senator to miss the vote. Earlier efforts to shut off the talkathon on the bill failed by two and three votes, respectively. The April 30 vote was 56–31; the May 3 vote was 60–34. On May 9, cloture succeeded by a one-vote margin, 67–32. Two Republicans and one Democrat switched from opposition to support for cloture on the May 9 67–32 vote. The Republicans were Robert T. Stafford (Vt.) and Milton R. Young (N.D.); both had voted against cloture on the two previous cloture motions. The Democrat was Russell B. Long (La.), who opposed cloture on the May 3 vote. In addition, supporters of cloture gained four of five new votes of members who did not vote May 3: Alan Bible (D Nev.), Mark O. Hatfield (R Ore.), Joseph M. Montoya (D N.M.) and William B. Saxbe (R Ohio). John Sparkman (D Ala.), one of the other two members (along with Stennis) who did not vote May 3, cast the only additional vote against cloture. Final passage of S. 352 was successful on May 9, 1973, by a vote of 57–32.

The legislation died after the House failed to take action on the bill.

Foreign Policy & Foreign Aid

McGee was a strong anti-communist and his view of U.S. foreign policy during the Cold War was through the lens of the Domino Theory. This theory, prevalent at the time, posited that the fall of one country to communism would lead to a chain reaction in neighboring countries. McGee's doctoral dissertation, "The Founding Fathers and Entangling Alliances" argued for international engagement to maintain a balance of power.

McGee believed that the U.S. had an obligation to engage in world politics, and that included providing foreign aid. He was a strong advocate for programs like the Peace Corps and the Alliance for Progress. He also played a key role in the development and implementation of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID).McGee's 1963 report on USAID acknowledged the agency's challenges, including inefficiencies stemming from rapid expansion and decentralization. He criticized the focus on technical assistance over loan programs and Food for Peace. While recognizing USAID's achievements, McGee emphasized the need for better evaluation and recipient country contributions to local costs. The report underscored the importance of foreign aid for American interests and global stability, despite ongoing criticisms. McGee believed that foreign aid was essential for promoting peace and stability in the world. However, he also believed that foreign aid programs needed to be carefully evaluated to ensure that they were effective.

U.S. Relations with Cuba

In March 1960, U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower approved a CIA plan to train Cuban exiles to overthrow Fidel Castro’s government. The resulting Bay of Pigs Invasion, under President Kennedy in April 1961, failed.. Shortly after, McGee expressed concerns in the Senate about Soviet support for revolutionary movements in the Americas and remained wary of communism's spread in Cuba. He advocated for supporting reform movements and cautioned against provocative rhetoric towards Cuba. After a wave of airline hijackings by Cuban nationals in 1961, McGee advised distinguishing between minor incidents and serious threats to avoid an unnecessary conflict. He downplayed Castro’s significance, referring to Castro as a "pipsqueak" urging against overreaction.

In May 1962, McGee, in a televised discussion, expressed skepticism about the threat posed by missile sites in Cuba. During a visit to Guantanamo Bay in September, he voiced confidence in the U.S. policy of "watchful waiting." In October 1962, Vice President Lyndon Johnson, during a visit to Casper to help Joe Hickey's re-election efforts, privately warned McGee to temper his public statements, given the escalating situation just before the Cuban Missile Crisis.

In the 1970s, McGee shifted toward advocating for normalized U.S.-Cuba relations, challenging embargoes and sanctions as ineffective. He criticized the U.S. policy that required Cuba to sever ties with the Soviet Union as a precondition for better relations, considering it unrealistic. As a congressional leader, McGee held subcommittee hearings and proposed repealing outdated resolutions, pushing for a more diplomatic, flexible approach to engage with Cuba.

Alliance for Progress

The Alliance for Progress, an initiative launched by President John F. Kennedy in 1961 to promote economic cooperation and social reform in Latin America. It aimed to improve living standards, counter communism during the Cold War, and foster economic growth and strengthen ties with Latin America. The program proposed significant financial aid and investments in education, healthcare, and infrastructure.

McGee played a key role in advocating for and overseeing the Alliance for Progress. In November 1961, McGee, along with Senators Clair Engle, Ted Moss and Stephen Young, undertook a trip to South America to report on developments in the region for President Kennedy. The trip was significant in light of Kennedy's focus on Latin America, which aimed to strengthen U.S. relations in the region. McGee valued the opportunity to engage with the local realities and emphasized Moss's work ethic as beneficial to their efforts.

He emphasized the importance of this initiative and the urgency of implementing tangible reforms. While acknowledging the challenges and criticisms surrounding the program, McGee remained optimistic about its potential to bring positive change to the region. He stressed the importance of continued U.S. support and collaboration with Latin American countries to achieve the goals of the Alliance for Progress.

The Vietnam War

McGee consistently supported U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War, emphasizing the necessity of preventing communist expansion in Southeast Asia. He advocated for a strong military presence, supported escalating U.S. involvement, and was skeptical of immediate withdrawal or negotiations without a position of strength. McGee believed the war was part of a broader Cold War struggle and supported the domino theory, fearing that U.S. retreat would lead to the fall of neighboring countries to communism. Although he backed peace talks, he remained cautious about their effectiveness and stressed the importance of a negotiated settlement that ensured regional stability.

As the war dragged on, McGee expressed cautious optimism about the ongoing peace negotiations, though he opposed immediate funding cuts that could disrupt the process. He supported Vietnamization, transferring responsibility to South Vietnam, and continued military aid to the region. After the Peace Agreement was signed, he still supported actions that would help facilitate peace and prevent a complete collapse in Southeast Asia.

McGee first visited Vietnam in December 1959 with Senator Albert Gore Sr., touring northern jungles and the Mekong River Delta. They met with President Ngo Dinh Diem and other leaders, as well as farmers and refugees. In February 1960, McGee addressed the Senate, highlighting Vietnam's strategic importance and the challenges faced by the South Vietnamese government, defending President Diem’s progress, especially in resettlement efforts.

In late 1962, he joined Senators Frank Church and Ted Moss on a Southeast Asia fact-finding trip. They visited several countries, including Vietnam, where they met with President Diem and examined Diem’s Strategic Hamlet Program, acknowledging both its success and human rights concerns. Their report expressed concerns about Communist China’s influence and the effectiveness of U.S. aid in Laos, but they were more optimistic about Vietnam's counter-guerilla efforts.

On August 2, 1964, The Gulf of Tonkin incident led to the escalation of the Vietnam War. Five days later The Gulf of Tonkin Resolution which authorized President Johnson to use military force in Vietnam was approved by the Senate, including McGee.

In February 1965, McGee and Senators George McGovern, and Frank Church debated the Vietnam War in the Senate. McGee defended U.S. involvement, warning of Communist expansion in Asia, while Church and McGovern called for negotiations, questioning the war’s feasibility. McGee supported the "domino theory" and a hardline approach, earning President Johnson's gratitude. The debate attracted major media attention, with McGee arguing the war was vital to U.S. security and McGovern viewing it as a civil war that required negotiation.

On March 8, 1965, McGee and McGovern debated on CBS, cementing their roles as "hawks" and "doves." McGee backed escalation for meaningful negotiations, while McGovern cautioned against military intervention.

Before his April 7, 1965 speech at Johns Hopkins University, President Johnson summoned Church, McGovern, and McGee for a meeting in the Oval Office. LBJ hoped to persuade Church to tone down his planned speech. McGee and McGovern were there because Johnson knew the two had been invited to be a part of a CBS News analysis of the speech immediately after it was televised. For the next several years, McGee and McGovern participated in campus Teach-ins around the country symbolizing divided views on the war.

By July 1965, McGee spoke about the significance of the Vietnam debate on college campuses, supporting dissent but criticizing FBI monitoring of protests. McGovern praised McGee’s commitment to open dialogue.

In March 1966, As the Vietnam War escalated, Russell Long, who had grown disinterested in Foreign Relations, decided to leave the committee. Lyndon Johnson, aware of McGee's desire to join Foreign Relations, proposed a deal where McGee would take Long's seat while giving up his own seat on the Commerce Committee, which involved oil and gas issues. The Steering Committee approved this arrangement despite protests from other senators who had been waiting longer for a spot. Ultimately, McGee's strategic trade allowed him to join the Foreign Relations Committee.

A few days later President Johnson’s request, McGee visited Vietnam with Undersecretary of State Cyrus Vance to assess the conflict. Observing the war’s intensity, including a hotel bombing and a Buddhist protest, McGee noted discontent among South Vietnamese allies. He reported optimism about military progress but predicted the war would likely end in reduced hostilities rather than decisive peace. In a private meeting, McGee advised Johnson to pressure South Vietnam to strengthen its forces and suggested increasing U.S. combat involvement to shorten the war.

In May 1966, McGee’s strong support for the war put him at odds with Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman J. William Fulbright. During a heated exchange in a committee meeting, McGee rejected Fulbright’s criticisms of U.S. military power and defended Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara and Secretary of State Dean Rusk. McGee’s vocal defense of the war drew the attention of President Johnson, with an adviser even suggesting McGee as a potential Secretary of State candidate.

On July 6, 1966, McGee delivered a speech at Oregon State University, addressing the rising influence of dissent in America, particularly on college campuses. He warned that the growing anti-Vietnam War protests could undermine freedom and stability, criticizing figures like Ronald Reagan for advocating investigations into campus protests.

At the end of 1966, McGee and Senator Ted Moss traveled over 30,000 miles through Asia to assess the political and military situation, particularly concerning China. McGee reported that while some nations criticized U.S. bombing in Vietnam, their main concern was China’s intentions and the potential dangers of a U.S. withdrawal. Upon returning, McGee discovered he had been removed from the Senate Foreign Relations Committee by Fulbright, likely due to McGee’s criticism of Fulbright’s anti-war stance.

In February 1967, McGee debated the Vietnam War with Dr. Hans Morgenthau, his former University of Chicago professor. While they had once shared similar foreign policy views, Vietnam divided them. McGee defended U.S. involvement, arguing that as a WWII victor, the U.S. had a responsibility to maintain global stability, with "containment" as a substitute for direct conflict. Morgenthau, however, opposed the war, criticizing U.S. bombing and McGee’s refusal to negotiate. Morgenthau argued the U.S. should disengage from Vietnam without compromising international credibility, advocating for a change in strategy.

In July 1968, Senator Gale McGee wrote The Responsibilities of World Power in response to Senator J. William Fulbright’s The Arrogance of Power. McGee’s book defended U.S. involvement in Vietnam, arguing that the U.S. had to prevent Southeast Asia from falling under the control of another power, particularly China. He dismissed claims of government deception and stressed that maintaining U.S. credibility was vital.In August 1968, McGee also warned of potential violence at the 1968 Democratic National Convention, where delegates clashed over Vietnam. McGee opposed antiwar measures in the platform, supporting Johnson’s policies, and led the opposition against them.

In January 1969, McGee returned to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, vacated by antiwar candidate Eugene McCarthy. McGee’s reappointment reignited his political ambitions, and his first public statement expressed support for President Nixon’s Vietnamization plan to gradually withdraw U.S. troops and shift responsibility to South Vietnam. While continuing to back the Vietnam War, McGee also advocated for respecting the rights of antiwar protesters, urging schools to take student activists seriously. However, he condemned the growing antiwar movement, warning it could lead to isolationism and radicalism. During Vietnam Moratorium Day in October 1969, McGee labeled the protests irresponsible.

In May 1970, Senator McGee became increasingly isolated on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee as his Democratic colleagues turned against the Vietnam War. He initially defended Nixon’s decision to invade Cambodia, urging patience , but the Kent State shooting, where National Guard troops killed four students during an anti-war protest, sparked widespread protests in Wyoming. The Wyoming New Democratic Coalition and Young Democrats called for Nixon’s impeachment. McGee tried to calm the unrest, encouraging students to focus on voter registration. On the University of Wyoming campus, tensions over a “Kent State” flag led to a compromise, and a vote condemning the killings.

In January 1973, the Vietnam War officially ended with the signing of a peace agreement in Paris, but fighting between North and South Vietnam continued, and U.S. bombing of Cambodia persisted until Congress intervened. By this time, McGee had quietly distanced himself from President Nixon, frustrated with the ongoing war, especially in Cambodia. In early January, McGee reluctantly spoke on the Senate floor against his party’s position to end war funding, though he was aware of the war's deceptive origins, such as the Gulf of Tonkin incident. Despite his disillusionment, McGee defended Nixon’s role in winding down the war, but by the end of the month, Nixon declared the war over. McGee's speech marked his final defense of the war, and afterward, he vowed never to defend it again.

In July 1973, He was a member of the second Congressional delegation to visit China since Nixon had thawed Sino-American relations with his historic trip in February 1972. McGee faced challenging diplomatic moments, especially as the group had to discuss ongoing U.S. bombing in Cambodia with Chinese Premier Zhou En-lai. The delegation, led by a disgruntled Senator Warren Magnuson, created tension; Magnuson complained about diplomatic protocol and criticized U.S. policies in front of Zhou. McGee, however, acted as a conciliator. McGee admired Zhou deeply, later calling him the "most impressive world figure" he’d met. Zhou affirmed McGee’s belief in the domino theory, suggesting that U.S. intervention in Southeast Asia had prevented Chinese expansion, validating McGee’s support of the Vietnam War.

On April 14, 1975, McGee and members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee met with President Ford , Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, Defense Secretary James Schlesinger regarding Vietnam in the Cabinet Room in White House. The meeting was called after President Ford requested $722 million in military aid to support South Vietnam against the North Vietnamese communists. This request came two years after the end of the U.S. combat mission in Vietnam. The committee members were concerned about the evacuation of American citizens and the possibility of a new war. They are also concerned about the amount of aid being requested by the President. The President assured the committee that his orders will be carried out and that he was committed to getting the Americans out safely. 2 weeks later, Saigon would fall.

Soviet Union

McGee consistently advocated for a nuanced understanding of the Soviet Union's motivations, emphasizing the importance of diplomacy and arms control while maintaining a strong national defense. He supported initiatives like the Antarctic Treaty, the Limited Test Ban Treaty, and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, viewing them as crucial steps toward international stability. McGee also expressed concerns about Soviet expansionism, particularly in the Indian Ocean, and supported a measured U.S. response to maintain regional balance.

Overseas trips (1959-1964)

As a member of the Senate Appropriations Committee and strong defender of US foreign aid programs, McGee embarked on several fact-finding trips to various regions around the world:

1959 - Traveled to the Middle East, India, and Southeast Asia with Senator Albert Gore, Sr. (D-TN) to assess the effectiveness of US foreign aid programs and the growing Arab refugee crisis. McGee and Gore met with Egyptian Prime Minister Nasser, Jordanian Prime Minister Majali, Israeli Prime Minister Ben-Gurion, India Prime Minister Nehru, South Vietnam President Ngo Dinh Diem.

1960 - In May, McGee was part of a Congressional Delegation to the annual Bilderberg Conference in Switzerland. After the trip he reported to constituents that the focus of concern at the meeting was the strained relations between the East and West due to the U-2 incident, which caused the collapse of the summit between President Eisenhower and the Soviets. In November, McGee joined a delegation of senators and President-elect Kennedy's brother, Ted Kennedy, on a trip to Africa to witness the challenges of independence and the Cold War's influence on the continent. From a cafe in the Congo, McGee witnessed the arrest of Patrice Lumumba

1961 - McGee traveled to West Germany twice.

• In September, McGee and Sen. Ed Muskie traveled to Berlin to appear on the public affairs program All of America Wants to Know with West Germany Mayor Willie Brandt, Sir William Hayter, Deputy Under Secretary of State for Great Britain, and Eugene Lyons, Reader's Digest Moscow correspondent. The episode was filmed at the Brandenburg Gate.
• In October, as part of a CODEL with Commerce Secretary Luther Hodges for the German Industries Exhibition. McGee met with Mayor Willie Brandt and Allen Lightner. Lightner told McGee he had spent summers in Atlantic City, Wyoming. The CODEL also visited Spain

In November, McGee led a delegation to visit eight South American countries to evaluate the conditions for the Alliance for Progress, a US-led initiative to promote economic and social development in Latin America.

1962 - McGee received reports of Soviet military shipments to Cuba and in the run up to the Cuban Missile Crisis, he inspected US military facilities at Guantanamo Naval Base. At the end of 1962, McGee joined Senators Frank Church and Frank Moss on an inquiry into US spending in Southeast Asia. They found that the situation in Laos was concerning, while the situation in Vietnam showed signs of improvement.

1963 - In July, McGee traveled to the Dominican Republic to evaluate foreign aid programs.

First senate term legislation signed into law

PL 86-444 - (S. 2434) An Act to revise the boundaries and change the name of the Fort Laramie National Monument April 29, 1960

PL 86-448 - (S.J. Res. 150) a Joint resolution permitting the Secretary of the Interior to continue to deliver water to lands in the Third Division, Riverton Federal reclamation project. May 6, 1960

PL 86-450 - (S. 1751) An Act to place certain lands on the Wind River Indian Reservation in Wyoming in trust status. May 6, 1960

PL 87-151 - (S. 1085) An Act to provide for the disposal of certain Federal property on the Minidoka project, Idaho; Shoshone project, Wyoming; and Yakima project, Washington. August 17, 1961

PL 87-175 - (S. 702) An Act to exchange certain lands in Wyoming with the town of Afton. August 30, 1961

PL 87-422 - (S. 875) An Act to authorize and direct the Secretary of Agriculture to convey to the State of Wyoming for agricultural purposes certain real property in Sweetwater County, WY. March 20, 1962

PL 87-479 - (S.J. Res 151) An Act Authorizing continued delivery of water for the years 1962 and 1963 to land of the third division, Riverton Federal reclamation project, Wyoming June 8, 1962

PL 87-516 - (S. 536) An Act to adjust certain irrigation charges against non-Indian-owned lands within the Wind River irrigation project, Wyoming

PL 88-10 - (S. 982) An Act permitting the Secretary of the Interior to continue to deliver water to lands in the third division, Riverton Reclamation Project, Wyoming. April 18, 1963

PL 88-291 - (S. 1299) An Act to defer certain operation and maintenance charges of the Eden Valley Irrigation and Drainage District March 26, 1964

PL 88-354 - (S.J. Res 71) a Joint resolution to authorize and direct the conduct by the Federal Trade Commission of a comprehensive investigation of chainstore practices which may be in violation of the antitrust laws. July 2, 1964

PL 88-494 - (S. 51) An Act to authorize the Secretary of Agriculture to relinquish to the State of Wyoming jurisdiction over those lands within the Medicine Bow National Forest known as the Pole Mountain District. August 26, 1964

PL 88-568 - (S. 770) An Act to provide for the construction, operation and maintenance of the Savery-Pot Hook, Bostwick Park, and Fruitland Mesa participating reclamation projects under the Colorado River Storage Project Act. September 2, 1964

1964 election

McGee received strong support from both President Kennedy and President Johnson in his re-election efforts.

Kennedy visited Wyoming in the fall of 1963 accompanied by McGee. The President gave a speech to 12,000 at the University of Wyoming War Memorial Fieldhouse (including a young Richard Cheney, then a student at the university), in which he challenged the audience to take advantage of opportunities to serve their country. He also mentioned the need for Americans to make choices about the use of resources, fiscal policy, the space race, and the development of ocean resources.

McGee met with Kennedy in the Oval Office in November 1963 – one week before the tragedy in Dallas - to tape video and take photos for McGee's upcoming re-election campaign.

In the historically Republican state of Wyoming, the 1964 election proved exceptional as Democrats nearly matched Republicans in financing and ran a highly effective campaign. Despite being the only incumbent above the county level, McGee was re-elected, and Democrats also gained control of the state House of Representatives and secured the single seat in the United States House of Representatives.

The shift in Wyoming's political behavior was not solely due to President Johnson's landslide victory. Two years prior, Wyoming Republicans focused on defeating Senator McGee and overlooked other races. Their preoccupation with McGee's defeat weakened their overall campaign. In contrast, McGee's strategy concentrated on discrediting the Wyoming Republican party and its actions, such as the passage of a right-to-work law, supporting a Court of the Union, repealing the income tax law, and aligning with Barry Goldwater, which led to the party's defeat.

Organized labor played a significant role in the election, working closely with effective Democratic county organizations to help Senator McGee secure a significant plurality. Media, especially television, also played a major role in the campaign, with McGee using a documentary and effective advertising to his advantage.

The election also saw increasing political self-consciousness among minority ethnic groups, such as the Native American vote in Fremont County. City voting patterns showed increasing Democratic margins, hinting at a potential shift in traditional Republican control.

Second Senate term (1965-1976)

Second term committee assignments

Appropriations Committee
Subcommittees:

• Agriculture
• Commerce, Justice, Science - 89th Congress
• Interior
• Labor, Health, Education and Welfare
• Public Works

Interstate and Foreign Commerce Committee until 1966
Subcommittees:

• Surface Transportation
• Communications
• Special Subcommittee on the Textile Industry
• Special Subcommittee on Freight Car Shortage
• Special Subcommittee on Federal Power Commission Procedures (chairman)

Foreign Relations Committee - In March 1966, McGee and Sen. Russell Long (D-LA) exchanged seats; Long took McGee's seat on the Commerce Committee. Due to GOP gains in the 1966 elections, McGee lost his seat for the 90th Congress, but returned in the 91st Congress after Sen. Eugene McCarthy quit the committee.

Post Office and Civil Service - McGee became chairman of the full committee in the 91st Congress
Subcommittees:

• Postal Affairs
• Health Benefits
• Retirement
• Special Subcommittee To Study Post Office Department Sectional Center Program

Banking Committee - 90th Congress Only
Subcommittees:

• Production and Stabilization
• Securities
• Small Business

Key events

He strongly supported President Lyndon B. Johnson's views on the Vietnam War. On March 6, 1965, CBS News aired an hour-long TV special titled "Vietnam: Hawks and the Doves" that featured a debate between McGee and Senator George McGovern for the full hour. It was moderated by Charles Collingwood. Hanson Baldwin of the New York Times and former Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs (1963–64) Roger Hilsman also participated. During the debate, McGee called for "planned escalation;" Baldwin contemplated massive bombing campaign and a naval blockade of North Vietnam. It appeared that Hilsman agreed that troops should be sent, but didn't think it would make a difference. McGovern was all alone in arguing against military intervention. At the conclusion on the debate, Collingwood summarized that McGee was a "hawk" on Vietnam, McGovern a "dove" and Hilsman was a "chicken hawk."

Also that year, after over 10 years as a member of the Appropriations Committee, McGee was named chairman of the Foreign Operations Appropriations subcommittee.

In March 1966, McGee was appointed to the Foreign Relations Committee where he would serve until 1967 and then was reappointed in 1969 and served until he left the Senate. He believed in the policy of containing communism, and his pro-military views were accented by his firm support for foreign aid. Johnson strongly considered appointing Senator McGee to be Ambassador to the UN after the resignation of Arthur Goldberg.

In 1968, McGee wrote The Responsibilities of World Power, which warned against isolationism and urged the United States to accept its power and position imposed upon it in the aftermath of World War II. The book further argued that the U.S. had a responsibility to be a Pacific power, to act as a counterweight to China, and to support free nations in their efforts to remain nonaligned or western allies but not to fall into the Communist fold. The work was nominated for a Woodrow Wilson Foundation award.

Named chairman of Post Office and Civil Service Committee

United States Senate Committee on Civil Service (L-R): Senators Ted Stevens (R-AK), Ranking Member Hiram Fong (R-HI), Chairman Gale McGee (D-WY), Ralph Yarborough (D-TX), Jennings Randolph (D-WV), and Frank Moss (D-UT).

In 1969, McGee became chairman of the Post Office and Civil Service Committee. McGee introduced several Civil Service bills aimed at addressing various aspects of federal employee compensation and retirement benefits. He advocated for legislation to allow federal agencies to cover expenses related to recruiting prospective employees, extend pay rate preservation for certain postal workers, provide additional supergrades in the civil service, and revise the civil service retirement system. McGee also played a role in negotiating and advancing bills concerning salary increases for federal officials, including the Vice President and Speaker of the House. During Congressional consideration of the Economic Stabilization Act, Title II of Pub. L. 91–379, 84 Stat. 799 He emphasized the importance of fair and equitable treatment for federal workers, addressing issues such as inflation, pension benefits, and salary adjustments. McGee supported measures to establish a Federal employee pay comparability system, aiming to align salaries with private sector wages while retaining Congress's authority over adjustments.

He was also directly involved in the passage of the Postal Reorganization Act which was influenced by the U.S. postal strike of 1970, the largest wildcat strike in history. The Act abolished the then United States Post Office Department, which was a part of the cabinet, and created the United States Postal Service, a corporation-like independent agency with an official monopoly on the delivery of mail in the United States.

Second senate term legislation signed into law (1965-1970)

PL 89-760 - (S. 84) An Act to provide for reimbursement to the State of Wyoming for improvements made on certain lands in Sweetwater County, Wyo., if and when such lands revert to the United States. November 5, 1966

PL 89-364 - (S.J. Res. 9) A Joint resolution to cancel any unpaid reimbursable construction costs of the Wind River Indian irrigation project, Wyoming, chargeable against certain non Indian lands. March 8, 1966

PL 89-763 - (S. 476) An Act to amend the act approved March 18, 1950, providing for the construction of airports in or in close proximity to national parks, national monuments, and national recreation areas, and for other purposes. November 5, 1966

PL 89-664 - (S. 491) An Act to provide for the establishment of the Bighorn Canyon National Recreation Area, and for other purposes. October 15, 1966

PL XX-XXX - (S. 554/H.R. 441) An Act authorizing the Administrator of Veterans' Affairs to convey certain property to the city of Cheyenne, Wyo. November 8, 1965

PL 89-387 - (S. 1404) Uniform Time Act of 1966, An Act to make uniform dates for daylight savings time. April 13, 1966

PL 89-70 - (S. 3046/H.R. 13161) Elementary and Secondary Education Act Amendments, To strengthen and improve programs of assistance for our elementary and secondary schools. November 3, 1966

1970 election

McGee's bid for reelection in 1970 was targeted by Republicans as one of the top seven races in the country. Republican leaders recruited Congressman John Wold to again take on McGee, despite Wold being defeated by McGee in the 1964 election.

McGee faced a primary challenger for the Democratic nomination because of McGee's support for continued military action in Vietnam. McGee won nomination overwhelmingly by 24,508 votes.

McGee again promoted his seniority in the Senate and his committee assignments (Appropriations, Foreign Relations, and Post Office and Civil Service) that benefited the State. To charges that he was a big spender of federal monies, he pointed out that he helped bring over $349 million in federal aid to Wyoming in the previous year and that if that was big spending he was "for it."

President Nixon, during a September 1970 meeting with aides in the Oval Office, suggested that Vice President Spiro Agnew lump all of the Democratic candidates together, except for Gale McGee, who he said they could not "in good conscience" go after in the same way. Agnew supported Wold's campaign but never specifically mentioned McGee by name. The Denver Post chided the Vice President for speaking against McGee considering it was McGee who helped Nixon solve a major postal strike and continued to support military action in Vietnam. The same newspaper reported that in 1969, McGee voted with the Nixon Administration 69 percent of the time and 24 percent against, while Wold only supported the Administration on issues 49 percent of the time, and opposed 28 percent.

McGee won re-election receiving 67,207 votes to Wold's 53,279. McGee won eleven of the 23 counties he picked up in 1964 but added for others and increased his margin of victory in Natrona County, Wyoming – a moderately strong Republican county and Wold's home base. McGee continued to have strong support of organized labor, carrying big margins in the southern "Union Pacific" counties.

Third Senate term

In his third term he continued to be a leading member of the committees on which he served. He was Chairman of Western Hemisphere Affairs subcommittee of the Foreign Relations Committee.

McGee was a voice of moderation in the affairs of the Watergate scandal and the impeachment proceedings of President Richard Nixon. Against the wishes of many of his constituents, McGee stood on principle and fought hard for positions unpopular in Wyoming in support of gas rationing and the 55-mile per hour speed limit in the era of the first Arab oil embargoes.

U.S. Senator Gale McGee (D-WY), Chairman of the Agriculture, Environmental and Consumer Protection Appropriations Subcommittee, and U.S. Secretary of Agriculture Clifford Hardin, 1971

Support for the United Nations

Throughout his career, McGee was a steadfast advocate for the United Nations, consistently highlighting its significance in global diplomacy and its potential to address pressing international issues. McGee consistently countered negative narratives about the UN, dismissing claims that it was ineffective or detrimental to U.S. interests. He emphasized its successes in various international crises and its alignment with American foreign policy goals. McGee actively worked to ensure adequate funding for the UN. He negotiated a reduction in U.S. dues to alleviate financial burdens while advocating for increased contributions to vital programs like the United Nations Development Program (UNDP). McGee championed the UN's role in maintaining peace and security. He introduced legislation to support UN peacekeeping forces in the Middle East, recognizing their crucial function in conflict resolution. McGee consistently emphasized the importance of international collaboration through the UN. He viewed the UN as a vital platform for dialogue and cooperation among nations, essential for addressing complex global challenges.

In 1967, President Lyndon Johnson telephoned McGee to persuade him to accept an appointment as US Ambassador to the United Nations. Johnson argued that McGee's experience and skills made him a suitable candidate, even suggesting the position could lead to Secretary of State. Johnson emphasized the challenges of the role, particularly in the Middle East, which he considered more pressing than Vietnam. He assured McGee of future job prospects, even if Johnson didn't run for re-election. McGee, surprised by the offer, asked for time to consider. Johnson agreed but urged a swift decision. McGee ultimately declined the offer and LBJ nominated Adlai Stevenson II.

In 1972, McGee was appointed by President Richard Nixon to a four-member congressional delegation to represent the United States at the United Nations' 27th General Assembly. His chief assignment at the Assembly was to get the United Nations members to agree to lower the U.S.'s share annual dues from 31 percent to 25 percent - a difference of $13 million. Both the House and Senate had already passed measures to limit the United States' contribution to the U.N. But each country's share is ultimately decided by a majority of the 130 member nations. Through the efforts of McGee, along with U.S. Ambassador to the U.N., George Bush, the U.N. assembly approved the reduction, with 80 nations voting to support the resolution.

Candidate for director of CIA

A July 10, 1975 memo from then White House Chief of Staff Donald Rumsfeld to President Gerald Ford listed McGee as one of many potential candidates to be director of Central Intelligence. Rumsfeld listed "pros and cons" of each candidate (including George Bush, Lee Iacocca, and Byron White and others). The memo thought McGee was a strong defender of the intelligence community, respected within the foreign affairs community, and well-regarded for his independence. On November 4, 1975, William Colby was replaced as CIA Director by George Bush in a major shakeup of President Ford's administration termed the Halloween Massacre.

1976 election

In his 1976 bid for a fourth term, McGee was defeated by Republican challenger Malcolm Wallop, who ran an expensive television advertising campaign attacking McGee for, among other positions, his opposition to state right-to-work laws, and problems with the U.S. Postal Service, based on McGee's chairmanship of the U.S. Senate committee overseeing the Postal Service. The margin of defeat was almost ten percentage points.

United States ambassador to the Organization of American States

After his defeat by Malcolm Wallop, McGee was nominated by President Jimmy Carter as United States ambassador to the Organization of American States. After approval by the Senate, he was sworn in on March 30, 1977, at a ceremony in the Roosevelt Room in the White House by Judge John Sirica. His former colleague from the U.S. Senate, Vice President Walter Mondale, was in attendance as were former U.S. secretaries of State Henry Kissinger and William P. Rogers, former United States Ambassador to South Vietnam Ellsworth Bunker, Under Secretary of State Warren Christopher, National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski, and senators John Sparkman and William Fulbright.

During his tenure, McGee headed the U.S. delegation to four OAS assemblies and lobbied for the successful approval of the 1978 Panama Canal Treaty.

Life after public service

- In 1981, McGee formed Gale W. McGee Associates, a consulting firm specializing in international and public affairs activities. The firm offered a broad range of political and economic services to both domestic and international companies with a special emphasis on developing new business opportunities with the nations of Latin America and the Caribbean. He was also president of the consulting firm of Moss, McGee, Bradley, Kelly & Foley, which was created with former U.S. Senator Frank Moss. McGee later served as president of the American League for Exports and Security Assistance, Inc. in 1986. He was a senior consultant at Hill & Knowlton, Inc. from 1987 to 1989.

- In 1985, Secretary of State George Shultz asked McGee to serve on a panel headed by Robert D. Ray to review U.S. policy towards Indochinese refugees. In the wake of the 1975 collapse of the South Vietnamese government, more than 1.6 million Indochinese people had become refugees. The panel issued recommendations in 1986.

The Papers of Gale McGee are housed at the University of Wyoming's American Heritage Center. Collection includes digital materials relating to McGee's career as a U.S. senator, his work at the University of Wyoming and the Organization of American States, and his post public service and personal life.

Personal life

McGee married Loraine Baker in 1939 and together they had four children: David, Robert, Mary Gale and Lori Ann. Senator McGee died on April 9, 1992, in Washington, D.C. He is buried in Oak Hill Cemetery in Washington, D.C.

Posthumous recognition

Congressional

In January 2007, the Wyoming congressional delegation introduced federal legislation (H.R. 335, S. 219) to rename the U.S. Post Office in Laramie, Wyoming as the "Gale W. McGee Post Office." The United States House of Representatives passed the legislation by voice vote on January 29, 2007. The United States Senate passed the legislation by Unanimous consent on February 7, 2007. The President signed the bill into law on March 7, 2007.

Biography

In 2018, Potomac Books/Nebraska press published McGee's biography, The Man in the Arena: The Life and Times of U.S. Senator Gale McGee written by Rodger McDaniel. The book won Best Nonfiction Book of the Year from the Wyoming State Historical Society

Movie portrayal

McGee was portrayed by Harry Groener in the 2023 film Oppenheimer.

External links

• United States Congress. "Gale W. McGee (id: M000445)". Biographical Directory of the United States Congress.
• Gale W. McGee papers at the American Heritage Center